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Attacks on the Press 2009: Iran

          
          Attacks on the Press 2009: Iran- Conntdttee to Protect Journalists  org/20 l0/02/attacks-on-tlc-press-2009-iranphp
          a:
          (:1: 1? Committee to Protect Journalists
          Defending Journal is: s Worldwide
          Attacks on the Press 2009: Iran
          Top Developments
          • Dozens of journalists are detained in massive post-election crackdown.
          • Numerous critical newspapers, Web sites censored or shut down.
          Key Statistic
          23: Journalists imprisoned as of December 1, 2009.
          Amid the greatest national political upheaval since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran launched a full-scale assault on the
          media and the opposition. In mid-June, mass protests erupted in response to official election results showing incumbent
          President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad winning by a large margin against his main opposition challenger, reformist
          Mir-Hossein Mousavi. The government responded with a wide-ranging and cruel campaign to suppress dissent. As
          protests against perceived electoral fraud spiraled into mass demonstrations, Iranian authorities threw dozens of
          journalists behind bars (where many were reportedly tortured), shuttered and censored news outlets, and barred foreign
          journalists from reporting. During the protests and crackdown, blogs and social media sites became front-line news
          sources. The crackdown increased the level of repression in a regime already hostile toward the press, and followed the
          months-long imprisonment of an Iranian-American freelance journalist, Roxana Saberi.
          A1TACKS ON
          THE PRESS: 2009
          - Main Index (http://cpj.org/2010/02
          / attacks-on-the-press-2009.php )
          MIDDLE EAST and NORTH
          AFRICA
          - Regional Analysis:
          Human rights coverage spreads
          despite government pushback
          ( http://cpj.org/2010/02/human-riqhts-
          cove rage-spre ads.php )
          Country Summaries
          • Bahrain (http:I/cpj.orgI2O lOIO2
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-bahrain.php )
          • Egypt (http:llcpi.orq/2010/02
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-egypt.php )
          - Iran (http:Ilcpj.org/201 0/02/attacks-
          on-the - press-2009-iran.php )
          - Irag (http:llcpi.orci/201 0/02/attacks-
          on-the-press-2009-irag.php )
          - Israel, Occupied Palestinian
          Territories (http://cpj.org/2010/02
          / attacks-on-the - press -
          Saberi's detention, as well as the anests of three American hikers who strayed across
          the fraqi border in July, played out against a backdrop of international diplomatic
          wrangling over fran's nuclear program, leading some to surmise that fran's authorities
          might see U.S. detainees as useful tools in negotiations. While franian officials have long
          argued that the country's nuclear program is for civilian electricity generation only, and
          that uranium enrichment is fran's right under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty,
          international policy-makers have grown increasingly concerned that fran's enrichment
          program is aimed at weapons production. The U.S. administration of President Barack
          Obama has alternated diplomatic overtures to fran with threats of punitive measures such
          as tighter international sanctions.
          Signs that franian authorities would seek to stifle the free flow of information about
          the presidential election emerged nearly immediately. SMS text message service was
          disrnpted starting hours before the polls opened on June 12, and mobile phone service
          was shut down on June 13, the day election results were released. In the days after the
          disputed vote, franian security forces and members of the paramilitary Basij militia
          assaulted and harassed journalists attempting to cover escalating public demonstrations.
          Authorities clamped down on foreign media coverage, jamming the BBC's Persian
          television and radio service and the U.S. government-funded Radio Farda, and shutting
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          2009-israe l.php )
          • Libya ( http:IIcpi.orgI2O lOIO2
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-Iibya.php )
          • Morocco ( http:I/cpj.orq/2010/02
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-morocco.php )
          • Sudan (http:I/cpj.orq/2010/02
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-sudan.php )
          - Tunisia (http:I/cpj.org/2010/02
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-tunisia.php )
          • Yemen (http:IIcp orq/2O1O/O2
          / attacks-on-the - press-
          2009-yemen.php )
          • Other developments
          ( http:I lcpi.orq/20 10 102/attacks-
          on-the-press-2009-middle-east-and-
          north-af.php )
          the Tehran bureau of Dubai-based, pan-Arab Al-Arabiya television indefinitely after
          accusing the station of bias.
          Foreign journalists were ordered not to cover the protests or any “news events” not
          announced by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. Several journalists working
          for foreign rnedia were detained and their tapes, equiprnent, and other work products
          were confiscated. Press cards were declared invalid, and Iranian authorities rejected
          requests by foreignjournalists to extend their one-week visas. Foreign journalists who
          had been invited by the governrnent to cover the elections left the country as their visas
          expired, or were expelled even before this could happen.
          Restricting the foreign press appeared to serve the dual purpose of limiting coverage
          of internal upheaval and the graphic abuse of protesters, while pinning the unrest on
          Western interference in fran's internal affairs. On June 19, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali
          Kharnenei called foreign rnedia “evil” and accused thern of attempting to divide the
          people of fran. These accusations fed into wider official allegations that protests
          stemmed from a conspiracy abetted by the CIA, Britain, Israel, and exiled franian groups.
          Five days after the vote, two Tehran-based newspapers were barred from publishing by the Ministry of Culture and
          Islamic Guidance. The daily Hayat e No had planned to ran a front-page article about the protests, and the daily Aflab e
          Yazd would have had a front-page picture of defeated reformist candidate Mousavi. At least three other local
          newspapers didn't appear on newsstands; newspaper staff cited technical problems, but it was unclear whether
          self-censorship played a role. The following week, the Association of franian Journalists reported that security agents
          were visiting printing houses to censor newspapers. (The association itself was later shut down.) According to the BBC
          Persian Service, 180 franian journalists signed a petition calling censorship “unprecedented” and stating that “even
          during wartime there was not this much pressure on publications.” Sporadic newspaper censorship continued through
          year's end. In October, authorities revoked the licenses of three reformist papers: Tehran-based dailies Farhang-e
          Aashti and Arman, and the Shiraz-based daily Tahleel-e Rooz.
          franian bloggers have long been regional trailblazers in using the Internet to get around official censorship. Even so,
          online journalists have frequently been targeted by the authorities; in April, CPJ named fran one of the world's 10 Worst
          Countries to Be a Blogger. During the elections, franian authorities recognized that Internet-based media could pose a
          threat. Authorities blocked social networking sites inside fran such as Twitter, DailyMotion, and Facebook, as well as
          reformist Web sites and YouTube, where international visitors could glimpse raw digital footage—some recorded by
          cell phone—of security forces and militia members shooting at and assaulting protesters. Some news reports said
          authorities also imposed bandwidth restrictions that made it difficult to upload materials such as pictures or videos of
          the protests. In spite of these efforts and the imprisonment of many franian bloggers in the aftermath of the elections,
          Internet journalism continued to build momentum. Writing on the CPJ Blog in October, Nikahang Kowsar, an franian
          blogger living in Canada, described an explosion of franian Web sites where critical information was being shared. He
          noted: “If in 2003 people enjoyed blogging to share ideas and thoughts, today it's a war. It's a struggle.”
          In the weeks after the protests, thousands of activists and supporters of reformist candidates were detained by the
          franian security apparatus. So were more than 90 journalists and media workers, according to CPJ research. Those
          detained included bloggers, photographers, newspaper editors, reporters, filmmakers, media activists, cartoonists,
          producers, and editorialists who had been critical toward the regime or supportive of reformist candidates. Many were
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          seized by intelligence agents who raided and searched their houses. Kamaeh Sabz, a reformist newspaper owned by
          Mousavi, saw much of its staff rounded up by authorities during the crackdown.
          At least 23 journalists were still being jailed on December 1, when CPJ conducted its annual worldwide census of
          imprisoned journalists, making fran the world's second-worst jailer of the press. (Only China imprisoned more.) Even as
          the government released a trickle ofjournalists, others continued to be arrested, among them former International Press
          Freedom Award recipient Mashallah Shamsolvaezin and the prominent writer Emadeddin Baghi.
          Journalists were among the 100 detainees who faced a mass, televised judicial proceeding in August on vague
          antistate accusations, including “endangering national security” and “involvement with foreign powers in order to topple
          the regime.” The mass hearings were riddled with procedural irregularities, CPJ research indicated, and were open only
          to state-owned media. On August 25, about 20 of the defendants, including at least four journalists, were accused in a
          Revolutionary Court in Tehran of attempting “a soft coup d'etat,” and of “lying” and spreading “mmors of fraud in the
          election,” Iranian state broadcaster Press TV reported. Four defense lawyers said they had been barred from attending
          one hearing; one reported being threatened with arrest when attempting to enter the hall.
          CPJ expressed deep concern about the health of the detained journalists and the conditions in which they were being
          held. Iranian authorities released “confessions” by several of the detained journalists that appeared to have been
          coerced. The journalists' lawyers were denied access to their clients in prison, while police chief Gen. Ismail Ahmadi
          Moghaddam publicly admitted that detainees had been tortured in custody. The wife of one detainee, Ahmad
          Zaid-Abadi, was allowed to see her husband only after he had spent 53 days in custody, during which he had gone on a
          17-day hunger strike. Speaking to the German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle, Zaid-Abadi's wife described the
          1-by-iS-meter room in which he was held, alone, during his hunger strike as “a place like a grave.” In November,
          Zaid-Abadi was convicted on antistate charges and sentenced to six years in prison, five years in exile in Khorasan
          province, and a lifetime ban on social and political activity.
          Nearly all of the journalists detained in the aftermath of the elections were working for local media outlets,
          including Web sites and newspapers affiliated with reformist candidates, according to CPJ research. A handful,
          however, were working for international media. These included a freelance photographer for Getty Images, Majid
          Saeedi, who had worked in fran for years, and Jason Athanasiadis, a Greek freelance journalist who had been covering
          the elections and their aftermath for The Washington Times. A third was Newsweek's Tehran correspondent, Maziar
          Bahari, a Canadian-franian national arrested on June 21. Security agents also took Bahari's laptop and several
          videotapes, the newsweekly reported. The three were eventually released: Athanasiadis in early July, Saeedi in August,
          and Bahari in October. CPJ and others campaigned vigorously for the release of these and all detained journalists,
          leading petition efforts and publicity campaigns, and working behind the scenes through diplomatic channels.
          The journalists arrested in the crackdown were added to the ranks of at least six who were already in franian jails at
          the time of the election. One of the six, freelance journalist Massoud Kurdpour, was released from Mahabad Central
          Prison in northwestern fran in early August after completing a one-year jail term for “propaganda against the regime.”
          Another, Canadian-Iranian blogger Hossein Derakhshan continued to be held in late year. Known in fran as the
          “Blogfather” for his pioneering Internet commentary, Derakhshan was detained in November 2008, ostensibly for
          comments he made about a key cleric. Derakhshan's whereabouts and legal status were unknown in late year.
          In late January, fran jailed an franian-American journalist, Roxana Saberi, at Tehran's notorious Evin Prison, where
          political prisoners are often held. Saberi, 32, had worked inside fran for National Public Radio, the BBC, ABC News,
          and other international media outlets since 2003, until her press credentials were revoked in 2006. According to NPR,
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          Saberi continued to file short news items with government permission. In April, she was convicted of espionage and
          sentenced after a closed, one-day trial to eight years in prison. In early May, after a five-hour hearing, an appeals court
          reduced her punishment to a two-year suspended sentence (and a five-year ban on reporting from Iran). Saberi's
          espionage sentence was overturned, although the court upheld her conviction for “having classified information,”
          defense lawyer Saleh Nikbakht told CPJ. Nikbakht said the appeals hearing focused on a research paper on U.S. tactics,
          produced in early 2003 by a center for strategic studies within the Iranian government, which officers found during a
          search of Saberi's apartment in Tehran. Defense lawyers rejected prosecutors' contention that the paper was classified;
          Saberi told judges she had picked up the paper at a public conference in Tehran. Saberi's legal team also maintained
          that Saberi's “confession,” a basis of the prosecution's case, had been coerced and not put in writing, Nikbakht said.
          CPJ's vigorous international advocacy on Saberi's behalf included a petition signed by more than 10,000 people
          worldwide.
          In July, a Revolutionary Court in Tehran convicted local journalist Saeed Matin-Pour on a charge of having
          “relations with foreigners and propagating against the regime.” He was initially arrested in May 2007 after visiting
          Turkey but was released on bail. He was rearrested amid the 2009 crackdown, sentenced to eight years in jail, and sent
          irnmediately to Evin Prison. CPJ condernned the sentence and the vagueness of the charge.
          At least two journalists have died at Evin Prison in the last six years under circumstances that have not been fully
          explained, CPJ research shows, including Ornidreza Mirsayafi, a blogger who died in March while serving a 30-month
          sentence on a charge of insulting Iran's religious authorities. In 2003, Iranian-Canadian photojournalist Zahra Kazemi
          died of a brain hemorrhage that resulted from a beating while behind bars.
          On July 31, Iranian forces detained three young Americans who strayed over the border into Iran while hiking in a
          resort area on the Iraqi Kurdistan border. Sarah Shourd is a writer and teacher; Joshua Fattal is an environmentalist; and
          Shane Bauer is a freelance journalist based in Damascus, Syria. On November 11, Iranian authorities announced they
          would be charged with espionage. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton publicly criticized the hikers' arrests,
          stating the charges against them were baseless. Some news reports speculated the Americans rnight be held for
          diplomatic bargaining purposes.
          February 16, 2010 12:32 AM El I Permalink (http://cpj.org/201 O/02/attacks-on-the-press-2009-iran.php )
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