INTRODUCTION
COMPLETE TRANSCRIPT OF THE PROSECUTOR GENERAL'S
INDICTMENT OF THE ACCUSED PLOTTERS OF THE FAILED VELVET
REVOLUTION
Fars News Agency: On behalf of the Prosecutor General, the deputy Prosecutor
General of the Revolutionary Courts in Tehran presented the text of the indictments
against those accused of a failed attempt to orchestrate a velvet revolution in the
following manner: according to gathered evidence and the confessions of the
accused, the incidents and turmoil that took place following the elections were pre-
planned and took place according to the velvet revolution's timeline of goals and
events.
According to Fars News Agency's political analyst, the full transcript of the indictment,
which was read by Abdolreza Mojtaba, deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary
Court (on behalf of the Prosecutor General) in court today, is available in six parts
attached to this report.
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FARS NEWS AGENCY
PART II:
Deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts in Tehran: The Recent
Events and Unrest Were Pre-Planned
Fars News Agency: On behalf of the Prosecutor General, the deputy Prosecutor
General of the Revolutionary Courts in Tehran presented the text of the indictments
against those accused of a failed attempt to orchestrate a velvet revolution in the
following manner: according to gathered evidence and the confessions of the
accused, the incidents and turmoil that took place following the elections were pre-
planned and took place according to the velvet revolution's timeline of goals and
events.
According to Fars News Agency's political analyst, the transcript of the indictment,
which was read by Abdolreza Mojtaba, deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary
Court (on behalf of the Prosecutor General) in court today, reads as follows:
In the Name of God the Merciful the Beneficent:
“When we bestow mercy upon the people, after adversity had afflicted them, they
immediately scheme against our revelations! Say, “GOD's scheming is far more effective.
For our messengers are recording everything you scheme.” [ 10:2 11
Greetings to the honorable Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Tehran:
As you are aware, the wise and gentle Supreme Leader, having the wisdom of the Jmams,
has stated that the informed people of Islamic Iran participated in unprecedented numbers
at the ballot boxes in order to cast their votes during the tenth presidential elections. They
have contributed to an astonishing and unique epic which reveals the political maturation
and strong presence of the revolution, and displays the glorious ability and capacity of
Iranian civil society before the world's watchful eyes.
Any just and fair person can easily see the great achievements of this epic movement in
various political, cultural, social and economic spheres, and at the national and
international level.
First, this election proudly displayed the people's influence, and conveyed this message
to the world: that Iran is one of the most secure and stable countries of the world for
investments and economic projects.
Second, in the field of international relations, this huge display of national support has
increased the bargaining power and acquisition rights of the people of Iran to higher
levels, has ensured greater success for our nation in the region and around the world, and
cut short the reach of those who falsely claim support for freedom, democracy and human
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rights. Iranian statesman and diplomats can now participate in various regional and global
transactions more resolve, based on wisdom, dignity, and the public interest.
Third, the great impact of this informed participation has affected the way the people of
the world, especially elite scholars, see the rich culture of Iran and the political awareness
of its people. This awareness has arisen from their Islamic and revolutionary beliefs, and
has made world public opinion ever more aware of the importance of a system of
religious democracy.
Fourth, since public support is considered one of the most important elements in relation
to national security in the Islamic Republic, the 85% participation of the people has
played a significant role in stabilizing the foundations of the nation's security. The
government that been voted in by this enthusiastic and passionate majority appears
stronger in the internal, regional and global sphere than before. This authority will
manifest itself in the great capacity of this nation to solve internal and external problems,
and in the daily promotion and growth of our dear Islamic country.
The disillusioned and pathetic enemy immediately went to work and by mobilizing
propaganda and political elements created a chain of disturbances that led to riots and
unrest in Tehran, where many were injured and suffered both financially and emotionally.
According to gathered evidence and the confessions of the accused, these events were
planned in advance and took place according to the schedule of the Velvet Revolution.
More than 100 of the 198 steps in the Gene Sharp manual of instructions for velvet
revolutions have already been executed.
Honorable Judge of the Court:
A Velvet Revolution is a type of overthrow which shares the same goals as a military
coup d'etat but differs in methods and means.
In this same vein, Robert Helvey, a retired CIA officer and a student of Dr. Gene Sharp,
writes in his book (entitled On Strategic Non-Violent Conflict: Thinking About the
Fundamentals): “Non-violent warfare (meaning Velvet Revolution) is no different from
military campaigns, except that the weapons used are different and unique to this
particular method.”
Another difference between a military campaign and a Velvet Revolution is in the way
[ the latterl develops and forms from beginning to end, and the long time it takes to take
form (which can sometimes last up to ten years).
The most important point that must be paid attention to in regards to the Velvet
Revolution is that theorists hired by Western intelligence and espionage services apply
this method according to the recommendations of their employers in order to overthrow
independent regimes or systems that resist Western hegemony, and in an effort to rid
themselves of the impasse that exists in a world dominated by injustice. These methods
are the result of years of research and field work conducted in various countries which
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foment coups. This method of overthrow has been designed such that it depends on
supposed “civil” means and is conducted during a long period of time so as not to create
alarm among the people and the political leadership of targeted nations. One after
another, they have steadily and calmly taken the steps of a Velvet Revolution. The
[ targeted political system usually realizes what is going on at a time when the Velvet
Revolution has already reached its final stages, and the likelihood of its success has
greatly increased.
For many years, numerous foundations and institutions have been created by spy
agencies and Western government agencies, especially America. [ These institutionsi
divide their institutional responsibilities and conduct focused missions that share the goal
of making sure a Velvet Revolution takes place. The most important foundations include:
the Open Society Institute and the Soros Foundations Network (OSI), The Rockefeller
Institute, the Ford Foundation, the German Marshall Fund, Freedom House, Council on
Foreign Relations, German Association for Foreign Policy, and the Institute for
Democratic Studies in England.
It is necessary to further explain this issue by noting the statements of a spy who is now
in custody, and who attempted to play a role in the tenth presidential elections. He says:
“In a trip that I had to Israel I was introduced to an institute called MEMRI that belongs
to the United States but is located in Israel, and works in the field of media studies in the
Middle East. The goal of this institute is to fight against anti-Israeli activities that take
place in other countries. This institute follows a project that seeks to support reformists in
Islamic countries, including Iran. The person in charge is a former Israeli intelligence
officer whom I met with once. He said that our goal is to promote the ideologies and
thoughts of people such as Soroush in Iran.”
This spy continues: “Another institute active in the field of Iran is the SAE Dutch
Institute of Hyves. I met with some of its leaders. This institute has a good relationship
with NGOs inside Iran, and spent 10 million euros towards the end of Khatami's
presidency in Iran. Most of the funding went to women's rights movements. The Hyves
institute funds its budget through bribes taken from Dutch oil companies who do not wish
to pay taxes.”
The aforementioned spy also talks about the role of Radio Free Europe: “The website of
Radio Free Europe, which like many other velvet revolution institutions began its work
during the Cold War, is connected to the CIA. During the Cold War, the Americans
wanted to put pressure on the Soviet Union and so they used cultural, political and media
outlets and relied on attractive terminology such as “democracy,” “human rights” and
“freedom.” Many of the institutions that are active in the area of velvet revolutions today
are remnants of the Cold War, and Radio Free Europe is one of them. The Persian section
of this radio operates under the name Radio Farda. This radio mainly covers what
happens in Iran and is prone to exaggeration.”
This spy also talks about another institute, which is part of the velvet revolution
movement, called the Berkman Center. He says: “the global voices project is part of the
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Berkman Center located at Harvard University. This project has started from 2004 and I
participated in its first meeting at Harvard. The goal of this project is to focus on bloggers
around the world, especially those from countries that oppose America, such as Iran.
[ They do thisi so that they could implement their goal of creating psychological warfare
in these countries. The Soros Foundation (051) provides funding to this organization and
to many other organizations around the world. Ethan Zuckerman is the project manager.
He is an American who has worked with the Soros Foundation before. He has lots of
experience using the internet to bring about a velvet revolution in different countries, and
he is in contact with U.S. intelligence and security services.
He continues: “The Berkman Center is run by John Palfrey, who has claimed that his
uncle, Kermet Roosevelt, directed the 28 of Mordad coup.
The aforementioned talks about the role of the United States in the velvet revolution, and
adds: “America uses different theoreticians such as Gene Sharp, who has spent fifty years
of his life at his institution in order to develop methods aimed at targeting weaknesses in
regimes vulnerable to velvet revolutions. Manuals and texts teaching non-violent
opposition and struggle are available in 20 to 30 different languages on this institution's
website. Of course, these languages are not English, Spanish or French. Rather, they are
in Burmese, Chinese, Arabic and Farsi ... America prefers that velvet revolutions take
place in countries that speak these languages.
Other people such as Mark Palmer, head of the Konos Foundation, have also done a lot of
research on Iran. They even held classes 2-3 years ago and they invited two of the 2 ' ' of
Khordad activists, including Emad Baghi, to teach them about the methods of a velvet
revolution.
Honorable Judge of the Court:
Until now, a couple of the velvet revolution projects have succeeded in a majority of the
countries in which they were implemented. In some cases, however, they were not
successful. The countries that the velvet revolution has succeeded in are: Georgia,
Poland, Czech Republic, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. In most of these
countries, the velvet revolution took place under the guise of an election, and shares
many similarities with the failed velvet revolution project in Iran (which took place and
reached its final stages under the pretext of the tenth presidential elections). Of course,
this conspiracy was crushed as a result of our people's vigilance and persistence, and the
strong response of the security and law enforcement apparatus.
In response to a question regarding the models and methods that America used to plan a
velvet revolution in Iran, the spy said: “This model was based on the elections, and
planning for it began at least 2 years before an election. They first start by planning and
selecting their candidate. For example Mr. Saakashvili—the current President of
Georgia—he is not someone who came into the political field overnight, he had a
Fulbright scholarship (which is administered by the U.S. State Department). He had
studied for years in that country and was being trained for such an event. After selecting
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their candidate, they heavily invest in him, such that supporters of the candidate begin to
educate people via networks similar to business models such as the pyramid scheme
(which are a proven way of attracting supporters in campaigns). Then they proceed to
design a symbol, choose a color for their candidate, and begin manipulating the public so
that it votes for their candidate. On the other hand, before the elections they prepare
themselves so that if they should lose they can create doubt and allege that election fraud
has taken place. So they can question the legitimacy of the government and initiate
protests. In the end they either cancel the elections or hold another round of elections
with the presence of foreign observers, which results in their candidate of choice getting
elected.”
The aforementioned continues: “This process has taken place in Georgia, Serbia, Ukraine
and Croatia and has succeeded. The important point here is that the same educational
material used in Serbia was translated to Farsi, and with some minor changes was used in
Iran. These changes were related to the traditions, cultural and social norms of the
society. The most important agents of this revolution are the youth, whom they heavily
invest upon. They depend on the energy of the youth, because they are the only group
that can spend two to three months on the elections without having any income.”
He adds: “The velvet revolution in Iran is very similar to the velvet revolution is Serbia.
In that country a group by the name Otpor, which was a student group, first began
attracting members. [ Their group which shares many similarities with the Green
movement in Iran. On the educational manual (which is available on the Albert Einstein
website), there is a discussion about ‘difficult circumstance.' This is one of the most
important strategic methods used, and it forces governments into a situation in which they
cannot deal with protestors. In the discussion, it is recommended that protests take place
under the guise of religious practices, or actions such as marching through the streets —
actions which the government cannot prohibit one from engaging in. At the end of this
educational manual, a couple of educational videos are mentioned which are about the
revolution in Serbia. Some of the films have even been dubbed in Farsi and are available
on the website.”
There is also another manual that discusses how to capture places and important
buildings in the city, and instructs on how protesting groups can capture important city
centers.
It is important to inform the court that the educational film on the revolution in Serbia has
been translated to Farsi by a person named Nader Sedighi, and the film is edited and
narrated in his voice. This person is the first individual who introduced Mr. Kian
Tajbakhsh to Messrs Hajjarian and Tajzadeh. Regarding Mr. Sedighi's role, Mr.
Tajbakhsh says: “The role of Mr. Nader Sedighi, who introduced me to him, and who is
responsible for introducing me to Messrs Hajjarian and Tajzadeh is unclear to me.” At
the moment, the aforementioned location's is unknown.
This captured accused, whose name we do not wish to reveal for security reasons,
believes that a velvet revolution has three arms: an intellectual, media, and executive, and
6
explains: “Each of the arms of the velvet revolution is connected to an American
institution. In reality, a division of labor has taken place.”
In this regard he says: “In this triangle (intellectual arm, media arm, executive arm), each
of the American institutions is responsible for a particular activity. In Iran, a group
cooperates with them. The most important of these institutions is the Hoover Institute,
which is based at Stanford University in California and was established during the Cold
War.
This institution has a project named “Iran Democracy Project,” which operates under
three security agents: Abbas Milani, Larry Diamond, and Michael McFaul. Abbas Milani
was arrested during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi because of his activities in
leftist groups. He later became a hardcore monarchist. After the Revolution, he lived in
Iran for one or two years and then left the country for the United States, where he
published numerous books praising the achievements of the Pahlavi regime. Gradually,
he became one of the leaders of the opposition movement. He has one major difference
with the other leaders of the opposition movement, and that is his connection with the
reformists inside Iran.
This captured spy adds: “The “Iran Democracy Project” addresses common cultural
issues for people such as music, blogs, and matters relating to the sexes.”
The student wing of this organization is very active, and people such as Fatemeh
Haghighatjoo, Arash Naraqhi (from the circle of Kian and Soroush) make speeches at
their conferences. Inside Iran, people who are close to Kargozaran-e Sazandegi party
cooperate with them as well. For example, Atrianfar talks of Abbas Milani as a historian
in newspapers or magazines he works for. Abbas Milani is more important than Reza
Pahlavi for the CIA, because he has a good relationship with the reformists and provides
financial assistance to Akbar Ganji outside the country.
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PART III:
The Accused Know that the Allegation of Fraud in the Elections is a Lie
Fars News Agency: Referring to the confessions of a spy regarding the arms of the
velvet revolution, the representative of the Prosecutor General said: Behzad Nabavi,
Abtahi, Maziar Bahari, Mostafa Tajzadeh and Safaee Farahani have said in their
confessions that no violations or rigging has taken place in the elections. Mousavi
Khoeiniha had said we must insinuate foul play in order to prove cheating.
According to Fars News Agency's political reporter, the rest of the transcript of
Abdolreza Mojtaba, the deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts in Tebran
(and representative of the Prosecutor General), reads as follows:
The Arms of the Velvet Revolution in Iran
The aforementioned spy says the following regarding the arms of the velvet revolution in
Iran: “The model that has been designed for Iran, like the other countries, has three arms:
intellectual, media and executive. Each one of these arms has active subgroups. So for
example, the intellectual arm has progressive, religious, progressive secular, capitalist,
foreign policy, literature ... subgroups, and each of these elements have internal and
foreign institutions that play an active role.
The executive arm of this project, or velvet revolution, has six subgroups:
1. The women's subgroup, which is composed of several different factions. The
most important leaders of these factions are Mrs. Shadi Sadr and Mrs. Shirin
Ebadi. These factions are mainly in touch with Dutch NGOs who finance the
activities of these campaigns and groups. There is another faction under the
leadership of Parvin Ardalan—daughter of Ali Ardalan, leader of the National
Front. Nooshin Hamedani Khorasani is the leader of another faction which has
leftist inclinations and is part of this group.
2. Ethnic-racial subgroup. Most of the work of this spectrum is done by Shirin
Ebadi's faction. Although she works in the field of human rights, her work also
involves ethnic-racial elements. The Religious-Nationalists also belong to this
subgroup.
3. The human rights subgroup. The most important weapon that America uses in
confronting its opponents is human rights. There are a couple of factions in this
subgroup. Here, too, Shirin Ebadi is the most active agent. Hadi Ghaemi, who is
an active security agent in America, is one of the foreign supporters of this
subgroup. He is the head of the Iran section of the Zionist organization “Human
Rights Watch,” and with a 15 million euro budget he has established an
organization in the Netherlands whose sole focus is human rights in Iran.
8
4. Labor subgroup: if you remember, in years past Bus Drivers Syndicate went on
strike led by Mansour Osanloo. It is interesting that certain individuals, because of
a delay in the payment of their wages, go on strike but do not realize that coup-
seeking organizations in America such as the NED, the National Endowment for
Democracy and ... openly give millions of dollars to other organizations, which
assist the Iranian syndicates. All the evidence for these donations is available on
the NED website. It is presumed that one reason why this information is so
readily accessible is [ so that the aforementioned organization can pretend to be
legitimate . Many people believe that because [ the NEDI does not work secretly it
does not have a particular agenda.
5. NOOs: this subgroup gained a lot of importance during the reform period. The
West had reached the conclusion that NOOs had to be expanded in Iran, and was
seeking ways to provide human, monetary and management resources to alleviate
their weakened position. For this reason, institutions were established which were
mainly based in the Netherlands. The responsibility of these institutions was to
provide Iranian NOOs services such as training of personnel, acquisition of funds
from foreign countries ... Two prominent NOOs in the country are Koneshgaran
(led by Sohrab Razaghi, Manager of NOOs in the Interior Ministry of the
reformist government) which received two million euros from Dutch institutions,
and the Hamyaran Institute, directed by Bagher Namazi. After the Bam
earthquake in 2003, the Hamyaran Institute held a series of educational classes in
Tehran, and focused on strategies to gather money from outside the country. The
instructors included individuals such as Hadi Ghaemi, who has a Zionist history.
6. Student (university student) subgroup: The peak of the student movement's
activities took place during July 9, 1999. The [ movement was significantly
weakened afterwards. However, with the passage of time, the student branch
(which is centered in Tahkim-e Vahdat (Allameh branch) and related branches
played an important role for the executive arm of the coup plot. The Aghajari
court, the letter to Kofi Annan, declaring the elections unlawful . . these were
among the activities of this subgroup. The departure of people such as Mohsen
Sazegara, Atri, Ali Afshari, and Reza Delbary to America, and their employment
with institutions dedicated to overthrowing the Iranian Republic's regime is the
best proof of the link between this subgroup and the velvet coup project in Iran.
The Intellectual Arm of the Velvet Coup Prolect in Iran
Regarding this matter, the CIA spy has this to say: “This arm is very important, and it can
be said that the intellectual work begins before any action is taken, and that it takes many
years for the other arms (media and executive) to begin their work.
The intellectual arm was established in Iran many years ago, from the war years. During
this time, a new progressive wave came out of the Muslim movement. This movement
was led by Abdolkarim Soroush and Kayhan (the cultural magazine). At the time Seyyed
Mohammad Khatami was Kayhan ‘s Editor-in-Chief
9
In his first series of articles, Soroush focused on particular issues. For example, in his
first series of articles Soroosh argued that there is no such thing as the West, and there is
no need to focus on whether we are westernize. He also questioned the idea of resisting
westernization, which was one of the important ideas coming out of the Revolution. They
slowly targeted the cultural foundations of the Revolution and began destroying them.
From that time, their intellectual discussions were marked by inept training and
intellectual tyranny—something that they kept secret. If we assume that the West and
tyranny do not exist, then revolutionary slogans such as “independence” and “freedom”
will be rendered meaningless.
This process has continued, and has slowly attacked the foundations of the Jmam's
[ Ayatollah Khomeini'sI ideas—foundations such as the unity of religion and politics, the
Velay at/h Faq/h (Guardianship of the Jurist). This is how they have prepared the field for
Westernization and Americanization.
He continues: “Other people such as Sari-ol Ghalam, Naser Hadian, and Hadi Semati,
adopted particular thoughts, and began theorizing about how to reinforce American
interests in Iran. They slowly began criticizing issues such as nuclear energy and support
for Lebanon and Palestine. These theories were applied in different research institutions
and the reformist government, and were widely distributed to society through the media.
Malor Similar/ties Between the Failed Velvet Coup in Iran and Velvet Revolution in the
Named Countries
1) A fraud plan aimed at eroding the people's trust and delegitimizing the firmly-based
political system. In this regard, our wise Leader said, in the historic Friday sermon of 29
June 19, 2009: “On March 21 , I warned in Mashhad that they will continue insisting that
there will be fraud in the elections, and that they wanted to prepare the field. At the time I
pointed out to my friends inside the country that they should not repeat this statement--
that the enemy wants it to seep into the people's minds. The Islamic Republic's system is
trusted by the people. This trust has not been easily gained. It has taken thirty years for
the Islamic Republic's system, through its leaders, actions and many struggles, to gain the
trust of the people. The enemy wants to take this trust away and bring doubt to people's
[ mindsi.”
Unfortunately, some political movements, parties and activists pursued the idea that
cheating will take place in the elections without heeding the warnings of the Supreme
Leader. They pursued the idea that cheating will take place in the elections in conformity
with our enemies. And they did it without presenting any proof or evidence.
One of the parties under consideration is the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution
Organization, which repeated the possibility of fraud in the elections in its official
statements and in comments made by its members months before the elections (and
before and after the remarks of the Supreme Leader and his suggesting that we avoid
working with the enemy.
10
In their statement dated April 10, 2009, in which they announced their support for
Mousavi (and which came out only twenty days after the Supreme Leader's warnings),
they repeat the enemy's words: “The legitimacy of the elections has been seriously
jeopardized, such that there no way to trust election statistics gathered from the
population of eligible voters, or the votes of the participants for the candidates.”
Of course, this organization had mentioned the issue of fraud in the elections months
before in the twelfth Mallis' resolution of June 2008. After the announcement and the
Supreme Leader's message confirming the election [ resultsl, this organization issued
several statements, without any reason or proof, questioning the validity of the elections.
For example, in their first statement after the announcement of the election results they
stated: “We had no doubts about the existence of fraud and violations.”
Counterfeit Documents at Behzad Nabavi ‘s Residence and Election Headquarters
This movement, with its goal of suggesting that there were irregularities and fraud in the
elections, fabricated a letter from the Interior Ministry. They did this with the intent to
damage the ministry and deceive public opinion through widespread distribution [ of the
letterl. In addition, upon inspecting the house of Behzad Nabavi (an instrumental and
effective member of Mojahedin Organization), documents revealing an intent to forge
and create anxiety in the minds of the public were found. These documents will be
attached and presented to the court.
It is noteworthy that these forged documents have also been found in the election
headquarters of unsuccessful and opposition candidates.
Officially and in collaboration with enemy groups and media outlets that oppose the
regime, the Islamic Iran Participation Front, Executives of Construction Party, and some
members of the Association of Combatant Clerics also expressed doubt regarding the
validity of the elections before and after the event.
This issue is important and significant for the court because the charge of election fraud
was raised during the time of campaigning, which suggests previous planning with a
particular goal in mind.
Second, this issue is the main cause of the chaos and rioting which led to so much
financial and spiritual damage, including the loss of the lives of our countrymen. This
despite the fact that the detained suspects have made clear in their confessions that they
knew that fraud had not taken place, and that they merely intended to create doubt and
spread rumors regarding election fraud.
Allegations of Fraud Prior to the Elections
Maziar Bahari, a reporter for the Newsweek weekly magazine in New York, has this to
say regarding this matter: “The foreign media were covering the issue of election fraud
even before the elections. In an interview with Mr. Khatami, I also asked this question
11
from him. After the interview I realized that a movement following the classic model for
a color revolution was taking place.”
BehzadNabavi Discussed the Fraud
Mohammad Ali Abtahi, Chief of Staff for the previous President (who is now being
detained), expressed some opinions regarding the issue of fraud: “The issue of election
fraud in Iran was first discussed in 1997 (by the named person). The reformists started
talking about this issue a lot afterwards and in the recent elections, Behzad Nabavi
discussed this matter and was selected to be the Head of the Committee to Preserve the
Votes in Khatami's committee.”
Mr. Abtahi says: “Mr. Karroubi announced in a meeting with other reformists that we
should not insist on the issue of fraud because by doing so we will erode the people's
trust and they will no longer participate in the elections. In that same meeting, Mr.
Mousavi Lan declared that fraud will definitely take place in the elections.”
Mousavi Khoiniha Indicated that Alleging Fraud is Necessary for Cheating in the
Elections
He continues by saying: “After [ Mousavfl announced his candidacy, an election
committee member (Mr. Mohtashamipour) discussed the fraud project. Both Mr.
Mousavi and Mr. Mohtashamipour had strong opinions along these lines, and they
established a Committee to Preserve the Votes. It is important to note that most of the
reformists believed that no more than 2 or 3 million votes could possibly be fraudulent. In
the next meeting, Mr. Mousavi Khoeiniha suggested that [ they must not let up on the
issue of election fraud because [ they will need when it is time to cheat.”
Mr. Abtahi explains: “I believe that Mohtashimpour really damaged Mousavi. During the
June 13 th meeting he announced: ‘I have told Mr. Mousavi not to worry because we have
so many documents on fraud that we can change the direction of the elections. Mr.
Mousavi is easily manipulated because of his inexperience and absence from the political
scene for years.”
Talzadeh Knew They Had Lost the Elections Based on Provincial Estimates
Mostafa Tajzadeh, political deputy of the Interior Minister and head of the Election
Board during the Presidency of Mohammad Khatami, is another one of the arrestees who
believes that there was no possibility of fraud and cheating. He says: “There was no
legitimacy to the allegation of cheating in the elections. As soon as the elections ended
and I talked to people from the asked provinces, I had the feeling that we had lost. But I
did not think the ratio was 3 to 1.”
Tajzadeh continued: “I should say this for the first time—when the results started to come
in at 12 o'clock, I never said that cheating had taken place. The allegations they make
12
have nothing to do with me and I was not involved, but of course my party has issued a
statement and I should also be punished.”
Mostafa Tajzadeh adds: “I think this election is one of the most unprecedented and
extraordinary elections. I believe the participation of 40 million will continue to occupy
an important place [ in the nation's history .”
In addition, another one of the accused says: “During the Saturday meeting of June 13,
2009 at the campaign headquarters, Mr. Tajzadeh and several other reformist friends
were present in Mr. Tajzadeh's campaign headquarters and expressed great awe and
surprise. I asked him two questions. The first question was: What is the situation with
Mousavi's votes? He said: “The voting situation for Mr. Mousavi is not good and Mr.
Ahmadinejad will definitely win in the first round of elections. [ My second question
[ wasi: Has election fraud taken place? To which he answered: “I have gotten in touch
with all the provinces except for Ardebil. The announced results are not different from
the results that we have and no fraud has taken place.”
Behzad Nabavi: We Do not Have any Evidence of Fraud but I will not Betray Mousavi
Behzad Nabavi, member of the central council of the Mojahedin Organization, advisor to
former President [ Khatamfl, and vice chair of the Sixth Mallis (who is now in custody)
said this about the fraud project: “We do not have any evidence supporting fraud in the
elections and we must recognize the decision of the Guardian Council.”
When it was requested that Mr. Nabavi at least provide some sort of apology and explain
his position publicly in connection with his misconduct, the situation he brought about as
a result of his false election fraud scheme, his confession that [ hel had no evidence to
prove the fraud and that his false allegations caused great financial and physical hardship
to our great people, he replied: “I will not betray Mr. Mousavi.” He was then asked are
you willing to betray your people and the history of your country for the sake of not
betraying Mr. Mousavi? He had no response.
Raniezanzadeh: Fraud is Not Possible in Iran
Ramezanzadeh, a spokesman for the Khatami government also said the following in
connection with this issue: “I have always said, and my friends in the party also know,
that fraud is not possible in Iran.”
Safa ‘i Farahani: Allegations of Fraud are Questionable
Mohsen Safa'i Farahani, a member of the central council and head of the Islamic Iran
Participation Front, member of Mallis during its sixth session, and president of the
Iranian Football Federation from 1997 to 2002, said this in his confessions: “There is no
way to accept that fraud has taken place in this election. Even assuming that fraud took
place, [ it can only be aroundi one to two million votes.”
13
He also said: “It is a question for me as to why a person like Mr. Mousavi, whose
activities during the Revolution are clear, who is a member of the Expediency
Discernment Council—and people such as Mohtashamipour and Mousavi Lan, who have
been ministers before, have such claims about fraud in the elections.”
Western Media Reporters
Mousavi's claim of victory in the elections was based on the classic model of color
revolutions.
It should be remembered that all of the accused claim, in similar statements, that there is
no way that fraud took place, and there was no possibility of cheating.
Maziar Bahari, film-maker and reporter for foreign media, points to the role of foreign
media in the election fraud scheme and points out that: “Foreign media had focused on
the idea that fraud will take place months before the elections, and they had prepared the
field such that if their candidate of choice was not elected they would declare that a coup
had taken place against the vote of the people. Some time ago, I had a discussion with
one of the assistants of the West's preferred candidate and he also mentioned the fact that
a coup had taken place.”
In connection with his previous statements, Bahari adds: “In this regard, and before the
final results of the elections became clear, Mr. Mousavi said the following (consistent
with the classic model of color revolutions: “I am the winner of the elections, and if any
result other than this is announced fraud has taken place.”
The confessions of the accused and convincing evidence indicate that the election fraud
program had been previously planned by political party members and activists with the
goal of causing disturbance and chaos. This is one of the factors that was focused on in
the velvet revolution, and is one the main reasons for the occurrences of disturbances and
chaos. It must also be noted that in the discussions regarding fraud there was perfect
coordination between the accused and their foreign counterparts.
2) Extensive use of illegal gatherings is the second similarity that the velvet revolution in
Iran shares with the named countries. [ These gatherings take place with the goal of
training and preparing for the capture of important government centers. These events
have occurred in most velvet revolutions, but failed to succeed in Iran.
Gatherings in front of the Ministry of Interior, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting
and Mall /s occurred for this reason. According to the confessions of the accused, the
numerous pictures that have been acquired from the event and those involved, the attacks
that took place against the Basil defense precinct after the illegal June 15, 2009 march in
Azadi square (and which was carried out with the use of weapons and firebombs) clearly
reveal the organizational aspect of this pre-planned attack. The existence of backpacks
full of stones and explosive bombs and [ evidencel of grenades and other firearms in the
aforementioned attack reinforces the validity of this claim, although it is necessary to
14
point out that the demands of some of the protesters were unrelated to the coordinated
activities of attackers.
Rostam Fard Tehrani, president of the Saham News website, says this about the goal of
the protests: “The issue we were interested in bringing up during these elections was to
declare, through these protests, that fraud had taken place in the elections.”
He continues by discussing the way they disseminated information for these gatherings
by saying: “We dispersed information about the time and place of the assembly through
three different means: the internet, phone and email.”
In comparing the activities that took place in the velvet revolution in some countries and
what happened during the elections (such as building symbols, creating a human chain of
supporters, [ fabricating a fraud scheme, announcing victory before tallying the votes,
and gathering in front of important government centers with the goal of capturing them,
Kian Tajbakhsh proves that there were plans for a velvet revolution in Iran as well.
Mr. Abtahi, too, in his declarations bearing on the pre-planned nature of the gatherings
says: “The celebrations for victory or defeat, which resulted in rioting, were pre-planned.
Bringing people to the streets, determining paths, bringing equipment and providing up to
date reports on Facebook, were all matters that had been planned before the elections.
They wanted to turn this election into a movement.
He continues by adding: “Friday morning, June 12 th, a notification was posted on Mir
Hossein Mousavi's Facebook page that his supporters would stay awake from this
evening to the morning. This was different from the symbolic issue raised by Karroubi.
After the initial results were declared, Mousavi's campaign immediately began to
organize. In a telephone call to me, Tajzadeh said: “We intend to keep this population
until the end of the elections, and we want to direct them to different parts of the city.”
Abtahi continues: “I believe this movement has three angles: 1) the head; 2) the moving
body; 3) a social network which is the most critical.”
In explaining the “moving body” Abtahi adds: “Regarding the moving body, some had a
more active role, such as the Mojahedin Organization, the Islamic Iran Participation
Front, the coordinated groups around Khatami (i.e. the 88 group, Yari News, Pouyesh)
other legal venues that would invite people to the streets, and foreign networks that
would cover the news through their reporters. The important point is that foreign
journalists had become very close to these men and were even closer to the coordinated
groups.”
Regarding the role of the moving body, he says: “The most important role of these
elements was to keep people in the streets, so that in the event that Mr. Mousavi would
declare his location they would go there. This organization was carried out by the
coordinated groups.”
15
At another point, Abahi says: “Bringing people to the streets before the elections was a
precondition to bringing people to the streets on Saturday night. People like Fateh,
Tajzadeh, Khatami and his campaign, and Mehdi Hashemi and his people were very
active so as to keep people in the streets. And all of them were involved in designing and
planning the events of Saturday night.”
At the end of this section it must be reminded that the role of foreign media such as BBC
Persian, Voice of America, Al-Arabia, Radio Farda and Radio Zamaneh in informing and
instigating with the goal of adding to the chaos, holding illegal gatherings, and rioting, is
very significant.
In addition, we request that the honorable judge of this Court pay special attention to the
important coordination between political parties, the accused, and the aforementioned
media.
3) Creating a Culture, Networks and Institutions
According to the confessions of the accused and educational manuals, a velvet revolution
takes place in three stages: 1) culture building, or in other words, manipulating ideas in
favor of Western values; 2) institution-building patterned after NOOs; 3) network
building by establishing links between NOOs.
Kian Tajbakhsh, one of the arrested suspects, who has been in Iran since 1998 as an agent
of the Soros Foundation and is responsible for managing the clinical field of the velvet
revolution, says: “Expanding the number of NOOs can only take place if the goal is to
attract more supporters during times of crisis.”
Mohammad Ali Abtahi, another one of the accused, confirmed Mr. Tajbakhsh's
statements and says: “During the reform government two ministries, the Ministry of
Interior and the Ministry of Culture and the National Youth Organization, took on the
responsibility of licensing NOOs around the country.”
As such, during the past several years tens of thousands of NOOs have been created and
supported by the named Western organizations, both financially and morally. Even Shell
Corporation, which is an oil company, has gotten involved in developing, educating,
organizing and providing money to NOOs.
In this regard, NOOs, along with the unlawful Group of 88 (which has been established
by the aforementioned political parties—Islamic Iran Participation Front, Mojahedin
Organization, Executives of Construction Party), was responsible for organizing and
directing the illegal gatherings before and after the elections.
16
PART V:
The Efforts of the Islamic Iran Participation Front to Change the Nature of the
Regime and the Meeting of an English Spy with the Reformists
Fars News Agency: The deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts in
Tehran continues to discuss the role of some political parties and activists in
bringing about a velvet revolution in Iran, and revealed the efforts of the Islamic
Iran Participation Front to change the nature of the regime and set up a meeting
between an English spy and reformists.
According to the Fars News Agency, the transcript of the indictment read by Abdoireza
Mojtaba, Deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts (in his capacity as a
representative of the Prosecutor General) is as follows:
Another Look at the Role of Some Political Parties and Activists in Planning a Velvet
Revolution in Iran
Honorable Judge of the Court:
Noting what has been said so far, it is possible to distinguish the role of several parties
(such as Islamic Iran Participation Front, the Mojahedin Organization, and the Executives
of Construction party) in planning a velvet revolution in Iran, and explain these roles in
in the presence of the Court.
1. Reviewing the actions of the aforementioned groups (including declarations of
their positions in different national and international matters) in the form of
statements and speeches made by their members, which were usually accompanied by
pretense and intended to create anxiety in the public mind.
2. Secret decisions to overthrow the system in party meetings and gatherings.
3. Continuous and meaningful communication with foundations and organizations
with regard to the velvet revolution.
4. Attracting foreign investment in order to establish NGOs, and expanding and
network-building with the goal of using [ these NGO5I as agents during the
implementation of the velvet revolution.
5. Efforts to create a split leadership with many voices in the country for the purpose
of creating a divide between the leadership and society.
6. Scheming to take advantage of the elections platform for the success of the velvet
revolution and in an effort to change the structure of the country's system of
government.
17
1) In its document outlining the party's political-institutional interactions (which was
prepared for a five-year period in the fall of 2008), the Islamic Iran Participation Front
reveals its goals for changing the nature of the holy system of the Islamic Republic.
Despite the fact the authors of this document have tried to hide their true intentions
through the use of reformist language such as “democracy” and “rule by the people,” (i.e.
the establishment of a secular government), they have not been [ fully successfufl. Page 8,
section 2 of the document reads: “So that the democratic segment of the leadership will
be able to use the crises that threaten the whole political system in favor of solidifying
democracy and gaining more bargaining power.”
Can this sentence be deemed to be anything other than treason?
Of course, the entire content of the above document indicates that the Islamic Iran
Participation Front sees the Islamic Republic's system as despotic and anti-democratic,
and with this assumption seeks to change the nature of it. In order to reach their goals,
they have made plans, and concepts such as “economic and political freedoms” have been
formed with these exact goals in mind.
With this explanation, I would like to draw the attention of the court to a particular
section of this document on page 6, which reads: “During the first phase, the presence of
pro-democracy agents will [ need to take placel in the executive branch, the Mallis, and
city and village councils, and during the last phase they will be better served if they are
present on institutions such as the Assembly of Experts.”
Of course, those who prepared this document (which has been signed by the secretary
general [ of the party and has the seal of the party in the next sentence) goes a step further
and seeks to apply this change to the whole system, which means changing the nature of
the system to a secular one. This is based on the evidence that during one of the meetings
of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution during Mr. Khatami's presidency, he
declared that “there is no escape from secularism.” This thought is affected by the same
pseudo-scientific decision-making of the Center for Strategic Studies at the Office of the
Presidency, which is led by Mr. Tajik (member of the central council of the Islamic Iran
Participation Front). In a series of articles in Rahbordjournal, Mr. Tajik develops a non-
scientific conclusion, which he relays to Mr. Khatami: “hi the near future, no one will be
able to resist secularism, and we should submit with grace to this inevitable fate of
humankind.” The invitation of Habermas in 2002 took place with this same goal in mind,
and in a secret meeting which took place in Mr. Kadivar's house (where Messrs.
Hajjarian and Mohammad Mojtahed Shabestari were present) they discussed the process
of secularization in Iran and presented new methodologies.
Mr. Jurgen Habermas returns to his country having gained confidence through his
correspondence with reformists in Iran that the process of secularization is on firm
ground.
In addition, the trip of Mr. John Keene in 1999 and his meeting with prominent reformist
followed a similar pattern.
18
2) In one of the many meetings between reformist members of the Mall/s (which exists in
the aforementioned document), there is a very frank discussion regarding the ways in
which reformists could attract the support of the European Union to their advantage when
it came to internal political rivalry. The European Union's defense of the sit-in of Majlis
members during the sixth session of parliament clearly indicates that the above stated
goal had been reached.
3) The suggestion of Behzad Nabavi regarding the establishment of an anti-despotic party
which welcomes all members of the opposition.
4) The suggestion that the regime is anti-democratic, which is demonstrated in the
expressions and pronouncements of the aforementioned parties and their members.
5) According to information acquired from reliable sources in connection with a meeting
of the Mojahedin Organization's Isfahan branch, a poll was taken where they asked
whether, in the event of an American attack, [ the individuafl would give up the Supreme
Leader to the attackers. [ The answer required a ‘yes' or ‘no.' It should be noted that these
branches do not act on such matters without communicating with the central council.
6) In the Islamic Iran Participation Front's Arak branch, a similar event took place, and
one of the leaders of this branch made a speech whereby he declared that if America
attacks Iran [ they would kill the leaders of the Islamic Republic with our own hands.
7) The anti-religious opinions and positions of members of this organization in the past
years, for which documentation is available, became so harsh that the late Ayatollah
Meshkini declared this organization to be illegitimate and said it is corrupting the youth.
8) The issuance of statements damaging to the regime, and the focus on gathering
signatures for open letters to members of the regime, especially the Supreme Leader. In
one of these letters, they ask the Leader to drink the cup of poison for the sake of the
system.
9) The central role of members from Islamic Iran Participation Front, Mojahedin
Organziation, and the Executives of Construction party in planning, organizing and
directing the disturbances and illegal gatherings surrounding recent events.
It brings us to this conclusion that the aforementioned groups, whether they are in power
(such as during the reform period when they were in charge of two branches of
government) or not, will continue with their mischief and attempt to change the nature of
the Islamic Republic's.
19
PART VI:
Some of the Arrested Monafeqin (People's Mojahedin of Iran) Received Training in
Camp Ashraf
Fars News Agency: The deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts in
Tehran continued to point out the role and charges of some agents in the field for
the velvet revolution, and said: “According to the confessions of the arrested
members of the Monafeqin group in connection with the recent disturbances, these
people have received training outside and in Camp Ashraf in order to create
destruction and terror, and they worked in an organized manner.
According to Fars News Agency, the transcript of the indictment read by Abdoireza
Mojtaba, deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts prosecutor of Tebran (in
his capacity as the representative of the Prosecutor General) is as follows:
Honorable Judge of the Court:
What has been communicated was a summary report of the actions of the internal
planners and directors of the failed velvet coup project. In the second section, the actions
and charges of agents within the field will be discussed:
Fighting with God and Spreading Corruption on Earth Through Efforts and Effective
Actions Aimed at Promoting the Goals of the Terrorist Monafeqin
Some of the arrested suspects who have a history of criminal conviction and were
members of the Monafeqin group have been arrested in this act of sedition. In his
confession, one of them says: “I became interested in the Monafeqin in 1990, and my
first serious move was to join the military wing in 2004. In that year, I participated in
bombing a sensitive place in Tebran. Then I expanded my efforts by distributing flyers
and gathering and relaying information to the Monafeqin Organization. Until the
elections, at which point I began participating in the protests and unrest in its aftermath.
The police arrested me when I was throwing cocktail Molotovs at one of the government
buildings.”
The Mission of a Member of the Monafeqin Response for Active Participation in the
Rioting
Reza Khademi, who goes by the alias “Habib, the son of Abbas,” is accused of mediating
for the Monafeqin terrorist group, and as such [ is charged withi attempts against the
national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
He is also charged with recruiting members for the Monafeqin and sending them to Iraq.
The accused also engaged in different propaganda measures, such as releasing balloons in
the air with the image of leaders of the Monafeqin, and pasting posters around Tehran.
20
The Arrest of a Member of the Monafeqin while he was Throwing a Molotov cocktail at
the Security Forces
Ms. Ozra Sadat Ghazi, “daughter of Hasan,” has a history of criminal conviction and
membership in the Monafeqin Organization.
She is accused of fighting with God and sowing corruption on earth by being an active
[ memberl and working towards fulfilling the goals of the Monafeqin Organization.
The accused was arrested at the scene while she was committing a crime—throwing a
Molotov cocktail. She was identified as a member of the Monafeqin Organization and
one of the main participants of the riots.
The accused participated in the 2004 bombing in Tebran, and during the recent elections
she distributed flyers about the Monafeqin and gathered and relayed information to the
Monafeqin terrorist group.
Her political and party history include her confession to membership in the Monafeqin
Organization in 2000. It is clear that she worked to realize the goals of the Organization.
The Presence of a Monafeqin Member in the Campaign of Mr. Karroubi, and the
Collection of Information for the Monafeqin
Naseh Faridi, “son of Abmad,” was in contact with the Monafeqin group by phone and
internet. Later, by actively participating in student and syndicate gatherings, he began
sending pictures, news and videos to the Monafeqin group.
The aforementioned was also responsible for collecting information about any
imprisoned member, and communicating that information to their family members and to
the Monafeqin Organization.
He participated in illegal protests and encouraged students to attend, and [ laterl sent the
gathered information to the Monafeqin Organization.
In addition to contacting the families of imprisoned members and conducting interviews
with them, he sent the tape of the interviews to Voice of America, Simay-e Azadi, and
Radio Farda.
He also put the family of Shabnam Madadzadeh, member of the Monafeqin, in touch
with the leadership of the Monafeqin.
The aforementioned was also present in Mr. Karroubi's campaigns.
The Arrest of Members of the Monafeqin in an Organizing Meeting of the Rioters
21
Mr. Amir Hossein Fotoohi, “son of Hasan,” is an active agent of the Monafeqin who
participated in the recent unrest and had an effective role. He was arrested in an
organizing meeting of the group.
Mr. Mahdi Shirazi, “son of Ahmad,” is another one of the members of the Monafeqin
who was arrested in the meeting organizing the members to further escalate the unrest
and disturbances.
Cooperation and Communication with Members of the Monafeqin During the recent
Disturbances
Mr. Hesam, “son of Mohammad,” is accused of communicating with Mr. Ziya Nabavi, an
agent connected with the Monafeqin inside the country.
He is also in close contact with members of the Council of Students Deprived from
Education. This council is under the leadership and protection of the Monafeqin. The
accused was a participant and agitator in the unlawful gatherings after the elections, and
transmitted news and information about the elections through Majid Dan (who is one of
the leaders of the Monafeqin inside the country) to foreign media.
The Actions of a Terrorist Network Connected to U.S. and Israeli Security Services
Before the Presidential Elections
One of the members of the aforementioned terrorist network is Mohammad Reza
Alizamani, “son of Ismail,” who has a history of criminal conviction, swindling, and
forging the seals of the Sepah, Judiciary and the Ministry of Justice.
The accused person, along with Hamed Roohinejad and Ahmad Karimi, took a trip to
Iraq in 2006 and initiated an organizational relationship with U.S. and Israeli forces.
The accused held many meetings in Dehook-Irbil in the Rabiyeh region on the border of
Syria and Suleymania with U.S. forces. After receiving money from them, they returned
to Tehran to continue their mission. Some of the most important missions of the accused
and his accompanying team included the terror of one of Paveh city's officials, gathering
information about Basij forces in Tehran, fuelling protests, garnering explosive bombs,
selecting political and religious centers for future targeting, gathering information about
the structure of the Revolutionary Guards, determining a plan for the smuggling of
firearms from Kurdistan in Iraq, gathering information about the Imam Hussein garrison,
conducting terrorist activities in the Tehran Mosalla during the Eid Fitr prayers, and
coordinating intelligence actions in connection with explosions at religious centers in
2008.
Other missions of the accused (who was arrested before any action took place) included
planning to bomb polling stations, taking action to undermine the security of the nation,
and fuelling unrest and chaos.
22
PART VII:
Cooperation with American Forces in Order to Create Unrest in the Country
Fars News Agency: Cooperation with American forces to create disturbance in the
country, planning to bomb polling stations, efforts to bring the Liberation
Movement of Iran to power, communication with foreign media and networks, and
the dissemination of pictures and information to further incite the agitators are
among other charges of those accused of the velvet coup.
According to Fars News Agency, the transcript of the indictment read by Abdoireza
Mojtaba, deputy Prosecutor General of the Revolutionary Courts prosecutor of Tebran (in
his capacity as the representative of the Prosecutor General) is as follows:
Cooperation with American Forces to Create Disturbance in the Country
Mr. Abmad Karimi, “son of Mahmood,” member of another terrorist network connected
to U.S. intelligence services, who along with two of the other accused (Hamed
Roohinejad and Mohammad Reza Alizamani) left the country illegally to Suleymania in
Iraq to meet and receive mission details from American and Israeli officials.
The named suspects, in addition to communicating with American generals and holding
several meetings, declared his readiness to take any action against the Islamic Republic of
Iran. The accused and his accompanying team, after receiving the necessary support
(which included money and communication devices), returned to the country to carry out
terrorist activities including bombing religious and government sites, collection of
information from military bases (such as the Revolutionary Guards and Basij), and
preparation of a chart regarding military forces in the country.
The named suspects, along with other members of the network, had planned different
missions in order to create chaos and insecurity during the elections. They were,
however, arrested before any of their plans came to fruition.
Entry into the Scene of Chaos after the Elections
Hamed Roohinejad, another member of the terrorist network, had lived in Iraq for a year
and a half In the last months of the previous year he received orders from his American
officer to come to Tehran and to create chaos and unrest in the elections by planting
bombs. He was, however, arrested before succeeding in his plans (which have been
included as a part of his case file).
The Plan to Bomb Polling Stations
Amir Reza Arefi, “son of Ahmad,” another member of this network, has been in touch
with a person by the name Foroud Fouladvand, who was, in turn, in touch with U.S.
intelligence services.
23
The aforementioned, in cooperation with another one of the suspects, attempted to make
a powerful firebomb. He tested its strength it in a series of experiments carried out in
field surrounding Tehran.
The aforementioned had prepared a film of their tests and had sent them to the U.S. They
declare their intent to plant a bomb at the Imamzadeh Zayd (located in the bazaar), at the
Imamzadeh Ali Akbar in Chizar, at the Hosseinyih-e Fatemyoon in Mojahedin Enqelab
street, on a tanker truck carrying gasoline (which involved crashing the tanker intto a gas
station in front of Majlis, at the Hosseinyih-e Shahrak Valiasr, and in the Shrine of Imam
Khomeini.
After receiving approval from their liaison officers, the accused began making highly
explosive bombs to plant in the Hosseinyih-e Ershad and Masjid al-Nabi polling stations.
[ It was anticipatedi that the explosion on election would not only injure and kill many
innocent civilians, but would also disrupt the election process. In the end, however, the
suspect and his team were arrested and detained by the anonymous forces of Imam
Zaman.
Efforts to Weaken the Islamic Republic's Regime and Bring the Liberation Movement of
Iran to Power
Mr. Emad Baharvar, son of “Mohammad Hossein,” is responsible for the youth branch of
the Liberation Movement group and is also a member of the group's political office. The
aforementioned was charged with influencing the 88 Group and the campaign to support
Mousavi, and to transmit the ideas of the Liberation Movement to these groups.
Among his activities was the establishment of the Mousavi youth headquarters in
Qeytariyeh, holding three-pronged meetings of the Mousavi campaign, organizing the
staff of the 88 Group in the provinces, coordinating the Liberation Movement's activities
in the provinces with staff, and publishing and disseminating election material.
The meeting of the youth branch of the Liberation Movement (which was accompanied
by Amir Khorram) with members of the central council of the Liberation Movement
(with Ghorban Behzadiannejad, Chief of Mousavi's campaign) for the purposes of
cooperation and coordination of their actions took place through the work of this suspect.
The [ suspect created alsol a commercial supporting the Mousavi and Karroubi
campaigns, placed the Liberation Movement's insignia on it, and with the financial
support of an unknown person released the video in high volumes.
By making false statements and posting articles and interviews in newspapers and news
sites, the aforementioned sought to cast a shadow on the current situation in the country,
destroy military plans, create anxiety in the public mind, spread libel and slander against
the organizers of the elections, and increase dismay and disillusionment inside the
country by repeating false claims about the actions of the government.
24
The suspect also had a strong role in starting an internet-based channel called “The Wave
in Qheytariyeh” during the elections.
He states that his goals behind his actions were to spread secularism, weaken the hold of
the system of the Islamic Republic, and empower the Liberation Movement.
Communication with Foreign Media and Channels and Dissemination of Information and
Pictures Designed to Further Incite the Agitators
The dissemination of news, reports, pictures and videos to foreign media (from the scenes
of unrest and chaos) are among the other charges of the accused.
These people played an important role in inciting and provoking public opinion by
sending pictures and videos of the recent agitations to foreign media channels, especially
to Iranians living outside Iran who work against the holy system of the Islamic Republic.
The accused acknowledge that by receiving money from foreign sources they established
headquarters for teams and individuals, and sent pictures and videos using high speed
internet.
Among the pictures and videos there are many scenes of distraught faces from inside
country, suggesting to viewers that the agitators are the people of Iran who have come to
the streets in protest of the elections.
Majid Saeedifar, “son of Naser.” is one of arrested photographers who says: “I attempted
to take illegal pictures of the unlawful protests held at Enghelab square, Azadi square,
Haft-e Tir square, Vali Asr square, and Baharestan square. And then I sent these pictures
(via the internet, which was available in a house in Haft-e Tir square) to the anti-
revolutionary group Marzeh Por Gohar in the United States, the Getty Image Agency in
the U.K., and the SIPA office in France.”
In addition, the aforementioned confesses that based on a contract he had with Getty
Images, he was to receive $225 per day for the pictures that he sent from the post-election
riots. The accused photographer had no license to take pictures of the protests and was
cooperating with foreign sources.
Another one of the accused, Satyar Emami, “son of Abodl Samad,” explains his actions
which threatened the national security this way: “At the request of Alfred Ya oubzadeh,
a photographer at SIPA France, I participated in the illegal protests of 18 of Tir in
Enghelab square and sent the pictures of the gathering that same night to France. The
next day, those pictures were published in anti-revolution journals and sites for the
purpose of inciting the agitators and threatening the security of the system.”
Among the other chages against Satyar Emami are taking pictures from military posts
and nuclear facilities and sending them to foreign countries. hi this regard, he says: “IN
25
return for the 1000 euros I received from Alfred Yaqoubazedeh, I took pictures of the
Bushehr nuclear facility and sent them to France.”
Maziar Bahari, another one of the suspects, says in his confessions: “In the ensuing unrest
following the elections, I wrote two articles for Newsweek in which I defended the
agitators and protestors and attacked the Islamic system. For my activities with
Newsweek, I received $200 per day. In addition, after I sent a film showing attacks on
Basij bases on Mohammad Ali Jenah street, the U.K 's channel 4 agreed to pay me 2100
euros for the two minute film reel.”
In addition, Mohammad Rasouli, “the son of Hossein,” who was arrested while filming
the illegal gathering in Azadi square, says: “I actively participated in the gatherings and
riots after the elections. One of the main reasons for my participation was that I wanted to
capture videos of the protests and send them to foreign media such as BBC. In some
cases, the films I sent were broadcast from BBC.”
Participation in the Unlawful Gatherings with Weapons and Criminal Equipment
Alireza Eshraqhi, “son of Mohammad Javad,” who was arrested by security forces while
setting fire to and destroying banks and public places on Karim Khan Zand street, says
the following in his confessions: “I participated in all the post-election protests with a
knife and weapon. During the first day of the protests, I attempted to build a weapon that
I could use to break the cameras of the banks and government buildings. Of course, I
succeeded in doing this. I built a bow and used nails used for shoes as my arrows, and
targeted the closed circuit cameras of banks. I also shot at the security forces in order to
injure them.”
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PART VIII:
THREATS TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY THROUGH SOCIAL UNREST
AND COLLUSION
Fars News Agency: other charges against the suspects include threats to the national
security through social unrest and collusion aimed at disrupting public security,
participating in riots, and dissemination of CDs and posters aimed at inciting,
hitting and injuring police, and carrying and throwing grenades.
According to Fars News agency reports, the construction and use of home-made grenades
while wearing Revolutionary Guard uniforms, defying and attacking security forces
while they were on duty, involvement in the disturbance that took place in the university
dormitories, providing refuge to unruly agitators amidst the turmoil, threats against the
national security of the country through collusion and disruption of public security, being
participating in riots, dissemination of CDs and posters aimed at inciting, threatening the
national security by carrying and throwing grenades, are the last series of charges in the
indictment presented by Abdolreza Mojtaba, deputy Prosecutor General of the
Revolutionary Courts prosecutor of Tehran (in his capacity as the representative of the
Prosecutor General).
The Construction and Throwing of Home-Made Grenades while Wearing Revolutionary
Guard Uniforms
Mr. Meysam Ghorbani, “the son of Hojjatol-Allah,” who is one of the accused in the
post-election disruptions, says the following in his confessions: “Iii order to create chaos
in the street gatherings, I decided to acquire the material needed to make a home-made
grenade. I succeeded. After making the grenades, I used them in the street protests, but
because I was worried about being identified while carrying a grenade I decided to get a
hold of a Revolutionary Guard uniform so that I could carry out my mission.”
Defring andAttacking the Security Forces While they Were on Duty
Mr. Hossein Bastaninejad, “the son of Sharif,” one of the accused arrested in the street
riots says: “In terms of political affiliations, I supported the Tudeh Party. The street
gatherings provided an opportunity for my participation. I was present in most of the
illegal protests as one of the agitators, and participated in attacking the police and Basij
forces.”
Arrest of the suspect took place when pictures of the accused throwing stones at the
security forces were broadcast through the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting. With
the help of local intelligence, the suspect's hideout was revealed to security forces and he
was arrested.
The names of the rest of the suspect who have similar charges is included in the case file.
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Attack on Military Bases with Explosives in an Attempt to Create Sedition and Riots
Mr. Mahdi Fattahbakhsh, “son of Hadi,” who was arrested while committing a crime
says: “During the illegal gathering at Azadi square, I attempted to throw rocks at the
security forces and attempted to attack them. Then, along with other agitators, we moved
towards one of the Basij bases and by throwing explosives and fire bombs we set fire to
the Thamenel ol-Aemmeh base section 115 of Laylatol (I}hadr. I was arrested while
committing the crime.”
Among the accused, Mr. Mousavi Shahkarami, “son of Ibrahim,” has threatened the
national security by throwing stones and Molotov cocktails at security forces.
In addition, Mr. Amir Shenavar, “son of Khalil,” who has a history of criminal
conviction, attempted to throw stones and rebel against security forces who were on duty.
The suspect, who under the influence of messages from foreign media, attempted to
damage public and private property in order to disrupt the security of the city and the
country.
Discovery of Several Colts, Bullets and Documents Revealing Communication with
Foreign Countries for the Purpose Working Against the Islamic Republic
In the office and home of Mr. Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, spokesperson for the illegal
Center for the Defense of Human Rights (which played an important role in the post-
election chaos), two colts along with many bullets, drugs, documents revealing ties with
foreign countries for the purpose of creating chaos, and documents and notifications
revealing orders for riots and protests were found.
The Incident at the University Dormitories: An Opportunity for the Participation of
Agitators
The bitter events that took place before and after the elections are due to the presence and
action of unruly elements. In projects put together by disrupting elements, the universities
and dormitories [ play an important rolel. The planners and directors of the velvet
overthrow project understood the emotional connection that exists between the people
and university groups and decided to radicalize the street movement.
Undoubtedly, the events at the university should be seen as a premeditated incident in
which a group of ignorant and deceived individuals played a role. Members of the
Fedaian-e Khalq, Tahkim-e Vahdat, Pan-Turkists, and some members of the Islamic
organizations of universities in Tehran (and other unruly elements) participated in this
event.
A review of the reports and statistics of the beaten and injured lying on hospital beds
reveals that the planners and agents of this disruption and sedition project were willing to
sacrifice the innocent lives of the children of this land in order to achieve their goals.
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Threats Against the National Security of the Country Through Collusion and Public
Unrest in order to Threaten Public Security
-Mr. Omid Jafarabadi, “son of Abbas,” who has a history of criminal conviction,
attempted to attack the security forces in addition participating in the riots.
-In addition, Mr. Mohsen Jafari, “son of Mohammad Hasan,” who has two criminal
convictions on his record related to drugs, attempted to threaten the national security
through disruption and collusion. The accused threw stones at officials and shouted
slogans against the Islamic Republic. He also set fire to public and private property.
-Mr. Hamed Makarianvar, “son of Hamid,” who is addicted to drugs, also threatened the
national security by participating in illegal gatherings and riots.
-In addition, Mr. Farshid Ohodrati, son of “Ali Akbar,” Saeid Pourazimi, “son of Hasan,”
Rahim Hemmati, “son of Jamshid,” Ehsan Honarkar, son of “Reza,” Farshid Karimi, son
of “Ali,” Meysam Saber, “son of Mahmoud,” Alireza Oharib, son “Ismail,” Akbar
Ohodrati, son of “Baratali,” Mohammad Hossein Kooshbaghi, “son of Ali Akbar,”
Adreen Kesheekian, “child of Rostam,” Abbas Golzarnia, “son of Ohasem,” Sahand
Sabernejad, “son of Mohammad Hossein,” Hossein Afshari, “son of Hasan,” Seyyed
Hadi Shahvelayati, “son of Ahmad,” Mohammad Ohanbari Varnekashi, “son of
Naghdali,” Mehran Ahmadian, “son of Sadegh,” Saeid Ohorbani, “son of Gholamreza,”
Ahmad Sharifian, “son of Abdollah,” Asghar Moshiri, “son of Hosseinali,” Farzin
Hadipour Abkenar, “son of Faramarz,” Naser Abdolhossein, “son of Gholamreza,”
Hamid Salahi, “son of Reza,” Mohsen Shekari, “son of Panjali,” Alireza Ohaderi, son of
“Fazlol-Allah,” Ramin Satkin, “son of Add,” Amir Rajabi, “son of Shabanali,” Afshin
Khosravipour, “son of Hossein,” Seyyed Ali Seyyed Zadeh, “son of Jalal,” Mohammad
Nikzad, “son of Ahmad,” and Ms. Maedeh Sadat Zakariai, “daughter of AbolFazl,” all of
whom have a history of criminal convictions and participated in illegal protests, disrupted
the public peace and security, participated in illegal propaganda against he Islamic
Republic, suggested fraud (which caused the people to lose their trust in the government
and leading officials), and acted against the national security.
Participating in Riots and Disseminating CDs and Posters
Mr. Jman Sohrabpour, “son of Kavus,” participated in illegal gatherings, sought to give
away CDs of protest, and caused agitation among the people.
The other suspect, Mr. Saeid Sepanlou, “son of Abolfazl,” who has a criminal record,
participated in the protests and distributed CDs and flyers.
In addition, Mr. Hamid Reza Bakhtiari, “son of Ali,” participated in illegal gatherings
and held placards inciting others to participate in the protests too.
Another suspect, Mr. Abbas Yousef Shahi, “son of Azim ol-Allah,” carried and
distributed illegal flyers aimed at created chaos.
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Mr. Morteza Bitaraf “son of Rahim,” participated in the protests and filmed the events in
cooperation with foreigners.
Attempting to Hit and Inlure Security Forces while They Were on Duty
Mr. Mehdrad Varshooyi, “son of Nasser,” who has a criminal record, attempted to hit and
injure a member of the Basij militia at Azadi square. Images of the accused have been
broadcast by different media sources.
In addition, Mr. Faramarz Abdollabnejad, “son of Rahim,” participated as one of the
rioters and attacked security forces at Azadi street. An image of the accused was
published in the media.
Threats to National Security by Carrying Grenades
Ms. Ziba Askari, “daughter of Yadollah,” carried a grenade in the illegal protests at
Azadi street.
In addition, Mr. Mohsen Abbasi Montazeri, “son of Mozaffarj along with Ms. Ziba
Askari (who participated in the illegal protests) also cooperated in carrying the grenade.
Participating in Damaging and Setting Fire to Public and Private Property
Mr. Kamran Jahanbani, “son of Mahdigholi,” confesses to setting fires on sidewalks.
Mr. Mahdi Moghimi, “son of Ali,” who has two counts of criminal conduct, was present
as one of the agents responsible for setting fire to public and private property. The
pictures of the accused were broadcast as he was setting fire to public and private
property.
Mr. Ali Safai, “son of Yadollah,” who resides in the U.S., participated in the protests and
was also involved in setting fire to a city bus in Lorestan street. In addition, drugs
including crystal meth and alcoholic beverages were seized from his house.
Disrupting Public Safety Through Disruption and Chaos
Mr. Ramin Tofiqh Qhazvini, “son of Mansour,” who is Baha'i and participated in the
protests, attempted to create disruption and fear.
In addition, Mr. Farid Ahmadi, “son of Jalal,” who has a criminal record and also
participated the in July 9, 1999 demonstrations, is likewise involved in creating
disruption.
Mr. Akbar Ajdadi, “son of Ali,” who was carrying crystal meth while participating in the
protests, attempted to attack security forces.
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Also, Mr. Hesam Tarmosi, “son of Hamid,” participated in the illegal protests and threw
stones at security forces.
Farnaz Farhadpour, “daughter of Abdol Hossein,” participated in the illegal protests and
attempted to throw stones at security forces.
Masoud Shemirani is another one of the accused who by participated in the illegal
protests and attempted to throw stones at security forces.
Participation in Illegal Propaganda, Including an Invitation to Sit-in and Strike
Mr. Ali Mohaddes, “son of Ahmad,” participated in illegal protests and invited professors
at Tehran and Amir Kabir University to stage a strike and participate in the illegal
protests.
Participating in Propaganda Against the Holy System of the Islamic Republic by
Participating in Illegal Protests and Sending Pictures and News About the Disruptions to
Foreign Countries in Order to Strengthen the Enemy
Ms. Kiana Saeidfar, “daughter of Ibrahim,” participated in the illegal gatherings as one of
the agents of chaos, and transmitted news to foreign satellite channels.
Mohammad Darmanaki Farahani, “son of Abbas,” is accused of offending the leaders of
the system, inciting public opinion, inciting those participating in the protests, directing
the agitators in the form of chanting slogans, and communication with foreign channels
and media by sending pictures and news.
The aforementioned was in touch with individuals in America, Italy, Canada, Germany,
and Turkey, and sent them information about the unrest.
Mr. Mahdi Moghimi, “son of Mohammad Hossein,” participated in the protests and
attempted to film the disruption.
Ms. Sara Abhari, “daughter of Mohammad Javad,” who works at the Office of the United
Nations in Tehran, took pictures of the riot scenes while carrying the flyers of the Islamic
Iran Participation Front and anti-revolutionary groups.
The other accused, Mr. Shahour Saba, “son of Mohsen,” participated in the protests and
began to take pictures of the unrest.
Mr. Mohammad Soleimanpour, “son of Nosratolallah,” participated and invited others to
the protests. He then began to take pictures with certain goals in mind.
Honorable President of the Court:
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After describing the conditions of the recent conspiracy and sedition, including the
planners, inciters, organizers, liaisons with enemy and anti-revolutionary groups, and the
involvement, support, and direction of foreign intelligence services, in addition to the
damaging actions of unruly and wily individuals, I would like to ask you to announce the
individual indictment of each of the accused in this case by stating their charges and the
evidence against them so that we may issue a suitable sentence according to articles 500,
610, 618, 677, 687 and 689 of the Islamic Penal Code.
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