How Social Movements Can Change Iran

          
          8/10/2010
          http://www.zcommunications.org/cont...
          Net
          The Spirit of Resistance Lives
          R i Print
          How Social Movements Can Change Iran
          none
          June 12, 2009
          By Noushin ahmadi Khorasani
          Source: The Mark
          Noushin ahmadi Khorasani's ZSpace Page
          According to many in Iran, the country's June 12 presidential elections constitute a great
          “opportunity.” It's important to note, however, that the so-called opportunity brought about by the
          election does not necessarily reflect a heightened degree of openness - - or of control -- of the
          political atmosphere; rather it is about the special political state in which Iranian society now finds
          itself for a short period of time. In fact, even if we consider the “elections” as “selections,” even if we
          witness intensified security clamp downs in such periods, even if we see that our opponent has a full
          home court advantage, we still cannot ignore the situation and circumstances in which, due to the
          elections, the society now exists.
          Already, diverse groups of equal-rights activists in Iran have taken appropriate advantage of this
          opportunity and formed a large alliance called the “coalition of women's movements to advocate
          electoral demands.” This should be only the beginning.
          An Opportunity for Solidarity Among Social Movements
          Iran's elections mood -- this period of heightened civic engagement -- is always short-lived. If we
          really believe in the rightness of our cause and in its continuation, then we must capitalize on this
          election atmosphere for unity amongst the different social movements. This atmosphere can serve as
          a common playing field for social movements, the shared ground necessary for joint action. In fact, it
          is the existence of this common playing field that can form solidarity among social movements. These
          opportunities are rare in Iran and so we must be ready to act on them when they do appear.
          By this I do not mean that social movements must exploit this election atmosphere by merely casting
          votes for or supporting particular candidates; what I mean is that the election atmosphere provides
          these movements an opportunity to find a common platform beyond the cliché and repetitious
          slogans. What is certain is the fact that these elections create a common playing ground much
          broader than the limited grounds of each individual social movement. Elections lay the valuable
          groundwork for a practical and common project among the various groups seeking societal change.
          Now is the Time to Act
          The minimal relaxation in the security and political atmospheres, and “the latent potential in different
          stages of elections” have created a golden window of opportunity for civil society activists and social
          forces in the country to vigilantly and prudently develop solidarity and joint actions. Demand-
          centered movements, such as Iran's women's and student movements, and even parts of the trade
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          union movement, are best aligned and most prepared to take advantage of the opportunity to join
          forces in, possibly temporary, alliances centered around practical joint action.
          That is not to say that, if we wished to do so, the election could not be an opportunity to lay the
          grounds for a more lasting reconstruction of the internal relationships between social movements. In
          fact, changes of this nature have already taken place between large parts of the women's movement
          and parts of the student movement. Iran's social movements (the women's and student movements
          in particular) have suffered a demoralizing period of the harshest illegal violence and physical attacks
          on their members. These movements could seize this opportunity to recuperate their losses and once
          again invite the scattered groups of their movements to join forces and voices.
          Fortunately, the women's movement has to a certain degree been successful in this regard. Almost
          forty equal-rights supporting women's groups and organizations, along with 600 Iranian activists and
          intellectuals, utilized the mood and opportunity of elections and alongside each other, shoulder to
          shoulder, formed a provisional and democratic coalition called “coalition of women's movement to
          advocate electoral demands.” This is the first time that the women's movement in Iran succeeded in
          entering the elections environment fully independently in order to raise its demands.
          This fresh and brave move cannot and should not be taken loosely. During the period of time since
          the inception of the “coalition,” fortunately tens of articles have been published in various papers and
          websites both supporting and criticizing this innovative and united move. Various acting committees
          in Tehran and a few other cities have started working with hope and optimism. Educational booklets
          and leaflets of the “coalition” are being printed and distributed by volunteers among the public, and
          students in particular. Face-to-face dialogue with people and holding productive educational
          workshops are on the go. The substantial presence of young members of the “coalition” at the
          electoral headquarters and conventions of candidates; regular distribution of weekly “coalition” news
          bulletins; the renewed relationship between the women's movement and the student movement --
          each is progressing. Yes, the women's movement in Iran is making a new comeback.
          Fortunately, the student movement has taken a similar initiative and with an unprecedented will and
          determination is forming various, very broad, and independent alliances in order to develop unity and
          to attract new forces, and revive subdued ones, with a goal of creating “change” in the current
          society.
          A Precious Opportunity to Institutionalize
          One of the other prudent and wise approaches that civil activists could take during the elections is
          to make broader contacts with the public in order to form civic institutes in Tehran and other cities in
          the country. This smart move should, of course, involve any and all forces (be they political, civic or
          trade). But the question here is how and in which way this opportunity could be utilized to form
          popular groups and bodies.
          Perhaps one of the ways is to have an eye on the electoral headquarters. At present, the
          headquarters of all the presidential candidates are active in Tehran and across the country. The
          active and motivated individuals at these centers (the office staff) are mainly from the reformist
          youth. The important point here is to recognize the presence of a very different atmosphere that
          forms only during the election periods: sectors of the society become active in a real sense in
          participating in the political destiny of the country. At these electoral headquarters, we can contact
          these young people without risk or fear, and interact and dialogue with them. Civic activists have
          access to these locations and to the vast number of young people who previously, due to the
          dominant political atmosphere, were almost unreachable. When people are organized, an opportunity
          arises for activists of civil society to raise awareness of their remand to and through these motivated
          individuals.
          The Golden Opportunity Belongs to All Social Forces
          This exceptional opportunity is not only available to us, activists of the women's or student
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          movement, but more so to the political parties who wish to change the status quo. The reformist
          political forces (regardless of ideological orientation) can also utilize this precious opportunity to
          expand and extend the popular institutions, and therefore boost and strengthen civil society. Instead
          of looking at the forces in the electoral campaign offices as auxiliaries and extras in the elections,
          they could positively plan to organize and institutionalize such forces (for the days after elections),
          without aiming necessarily to keep these young people under their hegemony and umbrella of their
          own party.
          As with the women's and student movements, the reformist political forces all desperately need these
          popular institutions, from parties like Etemaad-e Melli (National Reliance) and Jebhe-ye Mosharekat
          (Participation Front), to Nehzat-e Azadi (Freedom Movement), Jebhe-ey Melli (National Front), and
          others. This is because if supporters of change win the elections and the presidential office, they will
          certainly need the presence and organized activity of these popular groups even more. In taking the
          presidential office at a time when military forces have dominated all the economic, political,
          bureaucratic, educational and social bodies of the country, perhaps the only hope for advancing
          economic policies and running the country as a civic society and not a militarized one, is through the
          support of such popular groups.
          Just as Mr. Ahmadinejad and his allies adeptly move forward with their policies through the
          centralized organization of a part of society around the Basij (paramilitary militia), the reformist
          forces seeking change should also recognize that (even if they possibly win the elections) it is only
          through the organization of popular forces and formation of groups for change that they can hope to
          survive the next four years. Modern forces in our country, from social movements to political forces
          seeking change, have no other option in order to defend their demands but to organize themselves,
          regardless of ideological or political tendency.
          With their experience of order and discipline in the military, the protectors of the status quo have
          been able to successfully create and establish simple yet disciplined and flexible organizations within
          key parts of society (their target audience), and in this way promote and advance their demands and
          policies, backed by popular organizations who save and protect their representatives in judicial,
          legislative and executive branches of power. Unfortunately, the modern and change-seeking forces in
          our society are suffering from dispersion, discord and dissent, and each day are squandering
          opportunities to organize themselves, perhaps the last opportunities to organize in a modern form and
          with minimal expense.
          Considering these temporary circumstances, we have probably two paths in front of us. The first is
          to not bother to make connections with diverse strata and classes of society in this brief window of
          opportunity and walk by the electoral headquarters with indifference. Alternatively, we could grasp
          this relatively short and transient moment with both hands, with hope and motivation (and looking
          forward to tomorrow) in order to voice our demands even louder and to more broadly, strengthen our
          ties with various strata of society, reconstruct the internal relationships of the women's movement,
          access fresh, young people who defend equality, organize modern social forces, and create broader
          solidarity among civil and equality-seeking activists.
          Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani is a key leader of the women's rights movement in Iran and one of the
          founding members of the One Million Signatures campaign begun in July 2006. She and 31 Iranian
          women were arrested in Tehran on March 4, 2007 just before the International Women's Day
          demonstrations. In 2007 she and several other women were sentenced to three years in prison for
          ‘threatening national security.” Ms. Ahmadi is a journalist and author of several books about the
          women's movement in Iran and was the publisher of several banned publications, including FasI-e
          Zanan (Women's Seasons), Jens-e Dovom (The Second Sex), and the blog Feminist School.
          From: Z Net - The Spirit Of Resistance Lives
          URL: http: / /www.zcommunications.org/how-sociat-movements-can-change-iran-by-noushin-ahmadi-khorasani
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