Aadel Collection
Mullahs Divided: Right-wingers vs. Khomeini (Time)
.; .... .L. . ..... ..‘_.._. . __________ Wo id ___________ IRAN k u ahs DMded Right-wingers vs. Khomeini n less than three years. Iran's tumut ous revolution has spawned a staggahng array of problems: civil violence. war kvith Iraq. economic ruin, international isbb- Lion. Yet, however untidy their method the country's ruling clergymen seemed united in their dedication to establish an Islamic republic. Now, apparently, that solidarity is vanishing, if indeed it ever ex- isted in the first place. Having ruthlessly eliminated their secular opponents. the mullahs have lately turned on each other, arguing over everything from the sacred (Islamic law) to the profane (the spoils of political power). The divisions have pitted Muslim against Muslim, faction against faction— and. increasingly, right-wing mullahs against the revolution'3 leader, the Aya- tullah Ruhollah Khomeini. Though the disputes have so far been contained, they have become worrisome enough to elicit a pointed warning from Khomeini: “Let no one doubt that if dissension continues be- tween groups committed to Islam, it will spread nationwide and lead to armed confrontation.” The clerical battle lines have not been clearly drawn. But there have been strug- gles between the Islamic Guards, the cler gy's private army, and the Friday Prayer Leaders. Khomeini's personal representa- tives throughout Iran. And in recent weeks a number of right-wing clergymen have agitated publicly for a share of politi- cal power, now monopolized by the ruling, Khomeini-backed Islamic Republic Party (I.R.P.). One source of their discontent: Khomeini's announcement on Oct. 12 that he was delegating some functions of the cherished Velayat-e-Faqih (Supreme Theologian's' Mandate)* to the Majlis (parliament). !1( homeini took that step to end a dead- lock between the parliament and the “guardian council.” a twelve-member constitu!onal watchdog committee. which for religious reasons had blocked needed reform legislation. Still, his ques- tionable action offended many right- wingers. Said one ayatullah: “It is bad enough that his understanding and appli- cation of the [ mandatel are faulty and self- ish. His decision to suspend Islamic law for political expediency is apostasy. If his so-called Islamic republic cannot survive the application of God's law, then there is something wrong with his system. God does not make defective laws.” The fundamentalist challenge is dangerous for Khomeini, particularly The founding principle of Khomeini's theocracy holds that peirding (he return of the promised Shi- ‘ite messiah, the Tweiflhl imam. a supreme theolo- gian with absolut . powers must lead the Islamic community. ‘rT. TSTf k4fl1D ‘7 7QQI because his right-wing critics can outdo him in blind radicalism and rabble- rousing. obr - ”tl ' L dangerous figures growing an 'gry with him is Sheikh Mahmoud Halabi. se' entyish leader of a Shilte purist society. Halabi. says one Iranian writer, “is so right ing that compared with him, Khomeini is Karl Marx.” Ha ' labi criticizes the 1.R.P. for its. po1iUèàl . ç4jjl 1 'iJdeh Party, iran's pro-Moscow Communists. (The arrangement is designed to counter op- position from left-wing Muslims.) And he calls for a program against “heresy and atheism.” As for Khomeini's claim to the Supreme Theologian's Mandate, Halahi insists it is not binding. Khomei- ni may have great virtue and theological scholarship. he says, but “I have re- ‘% y ' ‘a ..f ' .”- ‘-‘ “f! . . . :. “I — - .i t s ! , . ,.:: ,‘ I ‘c:.. lth meini waving to supporters In Tehran A challenge by unhappy funda nentahsts. ceived instructions from the absent Imam [ the Shi'ite messiah] himself.” As Iran's troubles deepen, divisions among the clergy are likely to grow. In an effort to strengthen their ranks, relative moderates in the I.R.P. have already be-. gun to rehabilitate thousands of techno- crats and politicians the party once purged for being “pro-Western and liber- al.” Among them: Mehdi Bazargan, the revolution's first Prime Minister, now a member of parliament. Last week, in a se- cret session of the Majlis, Speaker All Ak- bar Hashemi Rafsanjani asked his fellow legislators to spare Bazargan and the oth- ers from more ridicule. Said he: “These gentlemen are closer to the Imam [ Kho- meini] than many of you.” But recourse to “pro-Westerners” can only alienate the right-wingers more. And in a nation further divided, claims of friendship with the Imam may not mean what they once did. SEYCHELLES f st's Thursday This must be a coup—oops! s they boarded their flight in Swazi- fr ' land last week, the burly young men in blazers, sports shirts and flannels looked every inch a South African rugby club off on a holiday to the Seychelles. the small (pop. 65.000). sun-drenched chain of islands off the East African coast. But soon after they arrived at Mahé's airport, their vacation plans went abruptly awry. When a surprised immigration official discovered a gun in one of the visitors' bags. the chap's companions whipped out automatic weapons. Obviously, this was no ordinary package tour. This was a coup. and the sportsmen were mercenar- ies hired to topple the left-wing regime of President Albert René. After the mercenaries waged a-20- hour airport battle with government forces, the coup collapsed. Forty-four of the mercenaries escaped by hijacking an Air India Boeing 707 that had landed dur- ing the battle: the others were dead. ar- rested or in hiding. President René launched a nationwide man hunt and or- dered all foreigners in the is lands.—in- cluding visiting U.S. Ambassador William Harrop—confined to their hotels. The attackers—mostly said to be for- mer members ofRhodesian and South Af- rican army units as well as a few Ameri- cans, Britons and other Europeans—were reportedly paid $1,000 and promi ed a further 510.000 if their mission was suc- cessful. It was unclear who put up the money. René. 46, who was established in I power by a coup in 1977. has plenty ofene- mies. His Marxist leanings have embit- tered wealthy islanders and prompted two previous coup attempts. This time the mercenaries planned to infiltrate Mahé after they landed and stage the coup later in the week, possibly as the first phase of a bigger operation in- volving local sympathizers and a back-up force of other mercenaries. But the prema- ture shootout left the scheme in shambles and the first wave of attackers stranded at the airport—until they captured the con- trol tower and gave the Air India plane permission to touch down. The landing was nearly a disaster: the pilot just missed a Seychelles army truck parked on the runway and was forced to hop over anoth- er. which the plane did brush with a wing flap. “I'm afraid you have arrived at a most unfort,,.nate moment. ' one ‘of the mercenaries told the 79 startled passen- gers and crew on board as mortar and machine-gun fire blazed around them. “You'll just have to wait.' Three hours lat- er, the surviving soldiers of fortune. carry- ing the body of a dead comrade. trooped onto the plane and ordered it to fly to South Africa. Arrested upon landing at Durban. they now face prison termsof five to 30 years for hijacking. 1 S TX( / Pt ‘I — .1 45