Aadel Collection
Key Iranian Judge Proud of Executions
ICer fl -a n it , n Ja c4ççe rro a ii of tree a tion s Blocked due to copyright. See full page image or microfilm. By Jonathan C. Randal Washington Post Foreign Service QOM, Iran., Dec 15 —His friends call him “The Wrath of God,” his ene- mies “The Cat Ciller,” but all Irani- ans regard Sactegh Ichalkhali as a man to be reckoned with. The chief of Iran's revolutionary court system, known for his death sen- tences, Khalkhali is a short, squat man, convinced that vengeance is a religious duty and determined to seek revenge among the “corrupt on earth,” both in Iran and abroad. His sometimes outwardly vainglori- ous boasts about assassinating shah iviohammad Reza Pahlavi, his family and chief lieutenants are being taken seriously since the recent assassina- tion in Paris of a Son of the deposed monarch's twin sister, Princess Ash- raf. “I don't think I have made any mis- takes,” he said today when asked if it was true he had erred in some of his execution orders. A perhaps apocryphal story re- counts that when told he had ordered the execution of a man whose identity had been mistaken for that of a genu- ine suspect he replied: “No matter, in any case he will go straight to heaven.” Khalkhali's detractors recount a leg- end that Khalkhali's lifelong pénch ant for torturing and killing cats reached such proportions that he had to be in- terned for treatment in a mental insti- tution in years past. As the 53-year-old Moslem cleric tells it, his life under the shah was an unending persecution: first in prison for siding with his exiled teacher and hero, Ayatollah Ruhollah iChomeini, then in banishment in a variety of un- attractive provincial towns. He has no doubts about his present calling. He recounted today that when he told Khomeini he was being asked to accept a “heavy responsibility” in running Iran's ir lutionary courts, flevenge Khomeini replied, “I think you are not afraid.” - Armed guards patrol outside his modest house near the railroad tracks in this holy city and visitors are frisked before they are admitted into the courtyard where the washing hangs on the line. — . Inside, stony-eyed ac olytes sitting on rugs follow an exuberant Khalkha- a's every utterance as their leader in- terrupts his interview to deal with fa- vor seekers and stamp proffered docu- ments with a copper chop. He appears proud of his controver- sial reputation and boasts of “anony- mous letters and telephone calls” threatening his life “I was also threatened by the gov- ernment and revolutionary council,” he said cryptically. Nor is IChalkhali bashful in conced- ing such opposition within the govern- ment to his penchant for executions. “I've ordered more than 200 execu- tions,” he said laughingly, “more than the Nuremberg trialS” of Nazi war criminals after World War II. Other sources put the number of executions since the February revolution at more than 600, although some no doubt Were not condoned or ordered by him. He specifically mentioned then- prime minister Mehdi Bazargan's op- position to the executions last spring of the shah's longtime prime minister, Amir Abbas Hoveyda, the former di- rector of the SAVAK secret police, Nematollah Nassiri, and an earlier SAVAK boss. - Bazargan argued that Hoveyda and Nassiri were entitled to a fair trial during which the shah's alleged crimes could be exposed—a view that Khomeini has adopted in the present hostage crisis with the United States by calling for a show trial to establish U.S. guilt. IChalkhali defended his decisions, arguing that with their connections and money “they'd be freed by now” had he not had them shot. Blocked due to copyright. See full page image or microfilm. “If Nassiri came back to life,” he said, “I'd kill him again.' Perhaps oddly for a man with such decidedly rigid views, he said be hoped for the freedo m of the 50 Americans held hostage at the U.S. mbassy, whom he referred to as “our guests.” However, he said he hopes “none will be executed,” although that might be possible “if some are found guilty of ordering shooting of people.” E mi l s r i 1 rcsa rnternattona-t atleg la flaI iciaaii says. But he seemed as interested i ii a trial of “all presidents from Carter back to Roosevelt,” the ëurrent gov- ernment approach, which insists that the United States has been respohsi ble for all Iran's woes under the sháh. “The shah called his book ‘Mission For My Country',” Khalkhali slid, “and I want to know who was respon- sible for that mission.” Carefully calculating his effect oh a See EXECUflOIMflR, ASi, Col. 1 Convinced Vengeance Is a Religions Iflnty, ECIhaLkhaIi Is fletermined to E arsne - - - - - - - - - associated rresa ‘rhree alie a sttala sn orters facing a revolntlonary tiring sqnacl last Sr fll.. ‘It iaave orEierea more titan ZOO ey ecntion s”
Iran's Judge Has Penchant For Execution EXECUTIONER, From A17 roomful of admTrers, he took issue with Carter's decision not to light all the White House Christmas tree lights until all the hostages were freed. “How come he didn't do the same thing during the Vietnam war when so many people were killed or last year when so many Iranians died fighting the shah,” he asked.” If Car- ter wants to deceive people, the hos- tages will not be freed for 10 years.” Slurping tea from a saucer, crack- ing his pudgey knuckles and raising his voice, he refused to say how many killer squads were abroad tracking down the revolution's quarry. “They're trained by the Palestini- ans,” he said. “And in Europe and even America, they ai e fluent in Eng- lish and French. And if they find any of the past regime's officials they will kill them.” In addition to the imperial family, he. listed as potential victims former prime ministers Shahpour Bakhtiar, Jamshid Amouzegar, Jaafar Sharif Emami. former generals Gholam Au Oveissi and Gholam Reza Azhari and Hushang Ansary, former head of the National Iranian Oil Company. Was it not time to stop the revenge, he was asked. “No,” he replied,” not yet. I'll give a reward to anyone who shoots someone on the list.” He insisted on his determination to “take my revenge in the name of all the oppressed who suffered during the shah.” Khalkbali seemed ifi at ease only when questioned about his controver- sial role in the revolutiopary govern- ment's unsuccessful efforts to sup- press an uprising by the Kurds in fa- vor of autonomy. The Kurds accuse him of the whole- sale ‘slaughter last summer of civilian innocents at Paveh, Saqqez and Maba- bad,, including cases such as the exec- utions of a Kurdish doctor and a mer- chant who refused to abandon his faith and convert to Islam. These very excesses and errors have branded Khalkhali to such a point that Kurdistan Democratic Party lead- er Abdurahman Qassemlu recently joked when asked why he had not or- dered his assassination. “Politically,” then Kurdish leader asked,” do you think Khalkhali really hurts us?”